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PLC3703 Assignment 2 (COMPLETE ANSWERS) Semester 1 2026 - DUE 20 April 2026; 100% TRUSTED Complete, trusted solutions and explanations. For assistance, Whats-App 0.8.1..2.7.8..3.3.7.2... Ensure your success with us.. Focuses on achieving tangible goals such as energy self-sufficiency and full employment. Possesses a powerful government agency or ministry charged with the task of planning, guiding and coordinating government policies in strategic sectors of the economy. Emphasises protectionism ahead of promoting market competitiveness of domestic industries in the global economy. Income inequality between rural and urban populations is negligible. South Africa’s extensive social welfare programme does not qualify it as a developmental state. Maximalist approaches to democracy tend to focus on those elements that translate to high democratic quality and the deepening of democracy. Regime performance in terms of the efficient provision of public services and establishing the socio-economic conditions for material development takes precedence over sustaining democratic processes and institutions. Whereas democratisation refers to the process of creating democratic institutions and establishing a rule of law, democratic consolidation is a state that is achieved when liberal democracy is recognised as the only “game in town”, and regression to authoritarianism is unlikely. Liberty and freedom are the core underlying values of a minimalist tradition of democracy. Substantive interpretations of democracy emphasise the importance of egalitarian policies to address socio-economic inequalities, which threaten democratic consolidation. Development theory, especially modernisation, is Eurocentric. African economies do not neatly fit into the categories outlined in Rostow’s linear theory of development. Walter Rodney’s (1972) work on ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ challenges the claim made by the metropole that pre-colonial African societies lacked technological advancement and social organisation. It is largely untrue, as modernisation theorists suggest, that the ability of a country to adapt to structural changes determines the speed at which they advance towards modernisation. The justification for modernizing the African continent was predicated on the fundamental belief that ‘African society’ was inherently primitive and lacked technological advancement and innovation. Holding general elections on a regular basis does not imply that a state has legitimacy in the international political arena. Underpinned by a western-centric view of political systems and the arrangement of state institutions. Promotion and exercise of universal rights, freedoms and constitutionalism are essential to establish political order. Posits that there is a positive correlation between political instability and weaknesses in state institutions. Asserts that the subscription to a democratic regime guarantees economic development and vice-a-versa. State Capitalism Social Capitalism Risk Capitalism Collective Capitalism Crony Capitalism A key component in the struggle against underdevelopment occurs at the level of knowledge, since the power of people affected by the scourge of underdevelopment to define their own reality, must be informed by their own viewpoint (i.e. history, culture and language). The introduction of a more professionalised approach to development studies marked by a strict adherence to an objective scientific tradition revealed definite truths about specific social groupings. Unlike mainstream thinkers would have us believe, knowledge is not independent of power; instead, knowledge itself is a reflection and manifestation of unequal relations of power. By the middle of the twentieth century, development problems confronting the ‘Third World’ were no longer analysed in the context of politics and culture but were recast within the neutral domain of science. Universities and research institutes were responsible for producing normative views about ‘Third World’ societies that reinforced certain stereotypes and denounced the significance and value of indigenous knowledge and culture in remedying local challenges to development. Neo-Marxism does not subscribe to the methodological marker of the superstructure. Neo-Marxism perceives the traditional dualistic view of society as being too simplistic and inadequate to explain political development. Neo-Marxism presents the ideas of Marx in more modern and workable form. Neo-Marxism does not see the state as a united front, but as a reflection of the class system. Neo-Marxism posits that social injustices along cultural, racial and gendered lines reflect and reproduce class inequalities. Low crime rates, high ratio of the number of medical professionals per 1000 people, high per capita incomes. High per capita incomes, low birth rates, low mortality rates and low inflation. Majority of the population live above the poverty threshold, high-income inequality, low infant mortality rates. High frequency of social protests, low per capita GNP, high inflation, depreciation in currency value, high mortality rates. High interest rates, low inflation, low infant mortality and high per capita GNP. Corruption in government exposes vulnerable communities and ecologies to the negative effects of transboundary toxic waste disposal. Natural commodity extraction is synonymous with bankrolling arms acquisitions by rebel movements, and human rights violations, especially the abuse of women and child labour in resource-rich African countries. Trade liberalisation can lead to “dumping” of a major export commodity (e.g. maize) resulting in domestic surpluses, which reduces demand for locally produced goods, drives down commodity prices, and ultimately destabilises local industry. A major side effect of the World Trade Organisation’s (WTOs) Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement is that it can undermine food sovereignty, prevent access to affordable healthcare, and reduce biodiversity. South-South cooperation results in African states realising absolute economic sovereignty. The level of institutionalisation between countries can be compared to determine the degree of political development. Adaptability, autonomy, complexity, and the binding ability of government institutions are important measures to determine the level of institutionalisation. Greater emphasis should be placed on measuring outputs rather than analysing and improving processes necessary for development. None of the options are core assumptions of Huntington’s supposition of development. Successful development depends on a government institution’s capacity to meet developmental challenges. the pre-industrial an industrial the post-colonial the post-industrial the take-off High participation Simplicity Traditional community Requirement of growth Launching Article 23 of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance recognises the unarmed dethronement of incumbent leaders by political associates, as a constitutionally viable change in government. In a people-centred developmental social democracy, rights must be concretised rather than abstract. For democracy to be effective on the continent, it must be relevant to the lived realities of Africans. Since the wave of democratization that swept the continent in the 1990s, governance is no longer despotic, however, intra-state conflict remains a major problem. A public opinion poll determining the form of democracy Africans prefer would most likely result in the repudiation of existing liberal forms of government. Revival of the markets to create jobs. Dismisses socialist values and identifies capitalism as the exclusive means to achieve economic growth and development. A premium is placed on improving human capital through the advancement of specialised knowledge and skills training in the technological sector. Intensifying industrial production in areas with high unemployment. Synonymous with the approach of collective capitalism employed in East Asia. Substituting external state and non-state actors engaged in exploitative extractive practices with local actors that follow the same processes. Dismiss modern developmental norms and practices and replace them with indigenous knowledge systems. Invite relevant community stakeholders to meetings hosted by government and big business to promote development projects aimed at addressing poverty and inequality. Join a global anti-capitalist ‘green’ movement that protests against Multinational Corporations that perpetuate ecological injustices in your local community. Ensure meaningful contribution of indigenous communities in addressing developmental challenges that is informed by their experiences, knowledges, practices and cultural norms. It resulted in a more equitable distribution of income benefitting all classes of society. The balance of payments deficits was significantly reduced. Dependence on imported consumer goods were replaced with dependence on foreign capital goods. Traditional primary exports were improved. It led to an increase in employment. Which one of the following options is not a core assumption of Samuel Huntington’s supposition of political development? The level of institutionalisation between countries can be compared to determine the degree of political development. Adaptability, autonomy, complexity, and the binding ability of government institutions are important measures to determine the level of institutionalisation. Greater emphasis should be placed on measuring outputs rather than analysing and improving processes necessary for development. None of the options are core assumptions of Huntington’s supposition of development. Successful development depends on a government institution’s capacity to meet developmental challenges. Complete the following statement by indicating the correct option. A country in ________ phase is one in which all economic activities take place within the small-scale agricultural activities of families or groups of families. the pre-industrial an industrial the post-colonial the post-industrial the take-off Which one of the following is not part of Rustow’s stages of economic growth? High participation Simplicity Traditional community Requirement of growth Launching Which one of the following statements on Khabele Matlosa’s (2018) thesis on the Nature and Future of Democracy in Africa is inaccurate? (Refer to e-reserve) Article 23 of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance recognises the unarmed dethronement of incumbent leaders by political associates, as a constitutionally viable change in government. In a people-centred developmental social democracy, rights must be concretised rather than abstract. For democracy to be effective on the continent, it must be relevant to the lived realities of Africans. Since the wave of democratization that swept the continent in the 1990s, governance is no longer despotic, however, intra-state conflict remains a major problem. A public opinion poll determining the form of democracy Africans prefer would most likely result in the repudiation of existing liberal forms of government. Which of the following options is not one of the characteristics of the growth-with-equity theory? Revival of the markets to create jobs. Dismisses socialist values and identifies capitalism as the exclusive means to achieve economic growth and development. A premium is placed on improving human capital through the advancement of specialised knowledge and skills training in the technological sector. Intensifying industrial production in areas with high unemployment. Synonymous with the approach of collective capitalism employed in East Asia. Which one of the following statements reflects a decolonial turn in addressing the problem of underdevelopment? Substituting external state and non-state actors engaged in exploitative extractive practices with local actors that follow the same processes. Dismiss modern developmental norms and practices and replace them with indigenous knowledge systems. Invite relevant community stakeholders to meetings hosted by government and big business to promote development projects aimed at addressing poverty and inequality. Join a global anti-capitalist ‘green’ movement that protests against Multinational Corporations that perpetuate ecological injustices in your local community. Ensure meaningful contribution of indigenous communities in addressing developmental challenges that is informed by their experiences, knowledges, practices and cultural norms. Indicate the correct option. According to Howard Handelman (2011), in Latin America’s newly industrializing economies (NICs), the implementation of Import Substitution Industrialisation (ISI) model of economic development had the following effect on domestic economies: It resulted in a more equitable distribution of income benefitting all classes of society. The balance of payments deficits was significantly reduced. Dependence on imported consumer goods were replaced with dependence on foreign capital goods. Traditional primary exports were improved. It led to an increase in employment. Which one of the following options is not a core tenet of Matunhu’s (2011) critique of modernization? (Refer to e-reserve) Development theory, especially modernisation, is Eurocentric. African economies do not neatly fit into the categories outlined in Rostow’s linear theory of development. Walter Rodney’s (1972) work on ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ challenges the claim made by the metropole that pre-colonial African societies lacked technological advancement and social organisation. It is largely untrue, as modernisation theorists suggest, that the ability of a country to adapt to structural changes determines the speed at which they advance towards modernisation. The justification for modernizing the African continent was predicated on the fundamental belief that ‘African society’ was inherently primitive and lacked technological advancement and innovation. Which one of the following options does not reflect the main features of political development? Holding general elections on a regular basis does not imply that a state has legitimacy in the international political arena. Underpinned by a western-centric view of political systems and the arrangement of state institutions. Promotion and exercise of universal rights, freedoms and constitutionalism are essential to establish political order. Posits that there is a positive correlation between political instability and weaknesses in state institutions. Asserts that the subscription to a democratic regime guarantees economic development and vice-a-versa. Indicate which one of the following variations of capitalism is most closely associated with neopatrimonial states? State Capitalism Social Capitalism Risk Capitalism Collective Capitalism Crony Capitalism Which one of the following statements concerning the views presented by Arturo Escobar (2012) is incorrect? (*Available on e-reserve) A key component in the struggle against underdevelopment occurs at the level of knowledge, since the power of people affected by the scourge of underdevelopment to define their own reality, must be informed by their own viewpoint (i.e. history, culture and language). The introduction of a more professionalised approach to development studies marked by a strict adherence to an objective scientific tradition revealed definite truths about specific social groupings. Unlike mainstream thinkers would have us believe, knowledge is not independent of power; instead, knowledge itself is a reflection and manifestation of unequal relations of power. By the middle of the twentieth century, development problems confronting the ‘Third World’ were no longer analysed in the context of politics and culture but were recast within the neutral domain of science. Universities and research institutes were responsible for producing normative views about ‘Third World’ societies that reinforced certain stereotypes and denounced the significance and value of indigenous knowledge and culture in remedying local challenges to development. Consider the following features of neo-Marxism. Indicate the incorrect option. Neo-Marxism does not subscribe to the methodological marker of the superstructure. Neo-Marxism perceives the traditional dualistic view of society as being too simplistic and inadequate to explain political development. Neo-Marxism presents the ideas of Marx in more modern and workable form. Neo-Marxism does not see the state as a united front, but as a reflection of the class system. Neo-Marxism posits that social injustices along cultural, racial and gendered lines reflect and reproduce class inequalities. Identify the correct option. Which one of the following options are characteristics of an economically underdeveloped country? Low crime rates, high ratio of the number of medical professionals per 1000 people, high per capita incomes. High per capita incomes, low birth rates, low mortality rates and low inflation. Majority of the population live above the poverty threshold, high-income inequality, low infant mortality rates. High frequency of social protests, low per capita GNP, high inflation, depreciation in currency value, high mortality rates. High interest rates, low inflation, low infant mortality and high per capita GNP. Which one of the following statements does not fully depict the experiences of developing economies in global Political Economy? Corruption in government exposes vulnerable communities and ecologies to the negative effects of transboundary toxic waste disposal. Natural commodity extraction is synonymous with bankrolling arms acquisitions by rebel movements, and human rights violations, especially the abuse of women and child labour in resource-rich African countries. Trade liberalisation can lead to “dumping” of a major export commodity (e.g. maize) resulting in domestic surpluses, which reduces demand for locally produced goods, drives down commodity prices, and ultimately destabilises local industry. A major side effect of the World Trade Organisation’s (WTOs) Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement is that it can undermine food sovereignty, prevent access to affordable healthcare, and reduce biodiversity. South-South cooperation results in African states realising absolute economic sovereignty. Which one of the following statements about a developmental state is false? Focuses on achieving tangible goals such as energy self-sufficiency and full employment. Possesses a powerful government agency or ministry charged with the task of planning, guiding and coordinating government policies in strategic sectors of the economy. Emphasises protectionism ahead of promoting market competitiveness of domestic industries in the global economy. Income inequality between rural and urban populations is negligible. South Africa’s extensive social welfare programme does not qualify it as a developmental state. Identify the one option, which does not provide an accurate depiction of the characteristics of procedural and substantive democracy. (Refer to the book chapter by Joleen Steyn-Kotzé entitled, The theory and practice of democratic development) (*Available on e-reserve) Maximalist approaches to democracy tend to focus on those elements that translate to high democratic quality and the deepening of democracy. Regime performance in terms of the efficient provision of public services and establishing the socio-economic conditions for material development takes precedence over sustaining democratic processes and institutions. Whereas democratisation refers to the process of creating democratic institutions and establishing a rule of law, democratic consolidation is a state that is achieved when liberal democracy is recognised as the only “game in town”, and regression to authoritarianism is unlikely. Liberty and freedom are the core underlying values of a minimalist tradition of democracy. Substantive interpretations of democracy emphasise the importance of egalitarian policies to address socio-economic inequalities, which threaten democratic consolidation. Identify the option that correctly describes Claude Ake’s (1996) thesis on development in Africa. (*Available on e-reserve) Development became an ideology of political unity that galvanized opposing attitudes toward the attainment of a common goal. Development theorists and practitioners influenced by the neoclassical paradigm advocated for an autonomous approach that recognized the significance of historical, social and political contexts. Increase in state sanctioned violence and extension of military rule in the post-colonial era demonstrated the power the military had in determining the trajectory of politics. Political independence in Africa ushered in an era of self-reliant development. African leaders often conveniently appropriated and abused certain elements of indigenous culture and institutions to ‘manufacture consensus’ to justify their exploitation of power. Identify the incorrect statement. A major shortcoming of Francis Fukuyama’s (2014) approach to understanding political development is that he pays less attention to the influence that colonisation, global capitalism and geopolitical interests of powerful states have on democratic development in developing societies. Goutam Karmakar (2023) and William Ewharieme and Jude Concordia (2011) advance theses that emphasise the exclusive dominance of structure (i.e. external factors) in perpetuating ecological injustices in the Niger Delta region, while ignoring the role of agency (i.e. internal factors). The likes of Francis Fukuyama advance a conception of political development, which extols the virtues of liberal democracy as the most effective system of governance. Claude Ake (1996), Arturo Escobar (2012) and Jephias Matunhu (2011) share the common view that the dominant development paradigm is ethnocentric and fails to recognise the importance of cultural relevance and indigenous knowledge for achieving self-reliant development. Advocates of post-development theory such as Arturo Escobar (1996) tend to romanticise the role of indigenous culture in developing societies. Which one of the following statements on the dynamics of political development identified by Francis Fukuyama (2014) in What is Political Development is incorrect? (*Available on e-reserve) Political development is about changes in political institutions over time rather than changes in government personnel. Modern liberal democracies possess strong institutions that mitigate against the risk of neopatrimonialism and prevent political decay. A strong national identity, which is foundational for democratic success sometimes arises from egregious levels of political violence. State capture emerges when elites instrumentalise patronage networks to protect their positions and to benefit from their efforts, despite political orders aimed at implementing impersonal rule. The rule of law and accountability are generally weak in authoritarian regimes, but they are capable of producing efficient state bureaucracies. Which one of the following options is not a characteristic of social capitalism? Encourages consultation and dialogue amongst different economic actors that is highly effective in terms of promoting capital growth. Emphasis is placed on education and training to enhance craft skills. Underpinned by welfare programmes providing vulnerable groups with social guarantees. Represents a form of ‘stakeholder capitalism’ that places a premium on building cooperative relations between the industrial, financial, labour and government sectors. Attempts to marry the disciplines of market competition with the need for social cohesion and solidarity. It resulted in a more equitable distribution of income benefitting all classes of society. The balance of payments deficits was significantly reduced. Dependence on imported consumer goods were replaced with dependence on foreign capital goods. Traditional primary exports were improved. It led to an increase in employment. Development theory, especially modernisation, is Eurocentric. African economies do not neatly fit into the categories outlined in Rostow’s linear theory of development. Walter Rodney’s (1972) work on ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ challenges the claim made by the metropole that pre-colonial African societies lacked technological advancement and social organisation. It is largely untrue, as modernisation theorists suggest, that the ability of a country to adapt to structural changes determines the speed at which they advance towards modernisation. The justification for modernizing the African continent was predicated on the fundamental belief that ‘African society’ was inherently primitive and lacked technological advancement and innovation. Holding general elections on a regular basis does not imply that a state has legitimacy in the international political arena. Underpinned by a western-centric view of political systems and the arrangement of state institutions. Promotion and exercise of universal rights, freedoms and constitutionalism are essential to establish political order. Posits that there is a positive correlation between political instability and weaknesses in state institutions. Asserts that the subscription to a democratic regime guarantees economic development and vice-a-versa. State Capitalism Social Capitalism Risk Capitalism Collective Capitalism Crony Capitalism A key component in the struggle against underdevelopment occurs at the level of knowledge, since the power of people affected by the scourge of underdevelopment to define their own reality, must be informed by their own viewpoint (i.e. history, culture and language). The introduction of a more professionalised approach to development studies marked by a strict adherence to an objective scientific tradition revealed definite truths about specific social groupings. Unlike mainstream thinkers would have us believe, knowledge is not independent of power; instead, knowledge itself is a reflection and manifestation of unequal relations of power. By the middle of the twentieth century, development problems confronting the ‘Third World’ were no longer analysed in the context of politics and culture but were recast within the neutral domain of science. Universities and research institutes were responsible for producing normative views about ‘Third World’ societies that reinforced certain stereotypes and denounced the significance and value of indigenous knowledge and culture in remedying local challenges to development. Neo-Marxism does not subscribe to the methodological marker of the superstructure. Neo-Marxism perceives the traditional dualistic view of society as being too simplistic and inadequate to explain political development. Neo-Marxism presents the ideas of Marx in more modern and workable form. Neo-Marxism does not see the state as a united front, but as a reflection of the class system. Neo-Marxism posits that social injustices along cultural, racial and gendered lines reflect and reproduce class inequalities. Low crime rates, high ratio of the number of medical professionals per 1000 people, high per capita incomes. High per capita incomes, low birth rates, low mortality rates and low inflation. Majority of the population live above the poverty threshold, high-income inequality, low infant mortality rates. High frequency of social protests, low per capita GNP, high inflation, depreciation in currency value, high mortality rates. High interest rates, low inflation, low infant mortality and high per capita GNP. Corruption in government exposes vulnerable communities and ecologies to the negative effects of transboundary toxic waste disposal. Natural commodity extraction is synonymous with bankrolling arms acquisitions by rebel movements, and human rights violations, especially the abuse of women and child labour in resource-rich African countries. Trade liberalisation can lead to “dumping” of a major export commodity (e.g. maize) resulting in domestic surpluses, which reduces demand for locally produced goods, drives down commodity prices, and ultimately destabilises local industry. A major side effect of the World Trade Organisation’s (WTOs) Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement is that it can undermine food sovereignty, prevent access to affordable healthcare, and reduce biodiversity. South-South cooperation results in African states realising absolute economic sovereignty.

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PLC3703
Assignment 2 QUIZ Semester 1 2026
Detailed Solutions, References & Explanations

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Due Date: 20 April 2026




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, PLC3703-26-S1  Welcome Message  Assessment 2


QUIZ




Started on Friday, 17 April 2026, 7:36 PM
State Finished
Completed on Friday, 17 April 2026, 8:06 PM
Time taken 29 mins 50 secs


Question 1

Complete

Marked out of 1




Identify the option that correctly describes Claude Ake’s (1996) thesis on development in Africa. (*Available on e-reserve)


Development became an ideology of political unity that galvanized opposing attitudes toward the attainment of a
common goal.

Development theorists and practitioners influenced by the neoclassical paradigm advocated for an autonomous
approach that recognized the significance of historical, social and political contexts.

Increase in state sanctioned violence and extension of military rule in the post-colonial era demonstrated the power the
military had in determining the trajectory of politics.

Political independence in Africa ushered in an era of self-reliant development.

African leaders often conveniently appropriated and abused certain elements of indigenous culture and institutions to
‘manufacture consensus’ to justify their exploitation of power.




Question 2

Complete

Marked out of 1




Identify the incorrect statement.




A major shortcoming of Francis Fukuyama’s (2014) approach to understanding political development is that he pays
less attention to the influence that colonisation, global capitalism and geopolitical interests of powerful states have on
democratic development in developing societies.

Goutam Karmakar (2023) and William Ewharieme and Jude Concordia (2011) advance theses that emphasise the
exclusive dominance of structure (i.e. external factors) in perpetuating ecological injustices in the Niger Delta region,
while ignoring the role of agency (i.e. internal factors).

The likes of Francis Fukuyama advance a conception of political development, which extols the virtues of liberal
democracy as the most effective system of governance.

Claude Ake (1996), Arturo Escobar (2012) and Jephias Matunhu (2011) share the common view that the dominant
development paradigm is ethnocentric and fails to recognise the importance of cultural relevance and indigenous
knowledge for achieving self-reliant development.

Advocates of post-development theory such as Arturo Escobar (1996) tend to romanticise the role of indigenous culture
in developing societies.

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