Foreign Policy Analysis (2020) 16, 236–249
Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth:
Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in
Australian Foreign Policy Making
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/fpa/article/16/2/236/5782386 by University of New England user on 24 June 2021
K AT R I N A L E E - K O O
Monash University
As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in
part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it
has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—
for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching
strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies
demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contra-
dictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to under-
pin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not pub-
licly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth.
This article examines the depth of Australia’s commitment to pro-gender
norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-
gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia’s politics limit the
capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.
Introduction
As this special issue is testament, a high-level political commitment to pro-gender
norms, in some cases via a feminist foreign policy, is emerging in a number of liberal
democratic states. Sweden, Canada, Norway, Finland, and Britain, among others,
have been vocal in their pursuit of pro-gender norms across a range of diplomatic,
security, aid, and development policies. The purpose of this article is to explore
whether the same can be said of Australia. In terms of its global engagement,
Australia imagines itself as an active middle-power, liberal in values, committed to
the rules-based order, and a dominant normative actor in its own region (Beeson
2011). In particular, it has always considered itself a “good international citizen”
who is well placed to advance liberal principles. At least in terms of its rhetoric
and self-imagining, it is committed to global institutions and global normative
actions that advance liberal and democratic principles in peace, security, and
trade (DFAT 2017, 3). As evidence of this commitment, it recently served as a
temporary member of the UN Security Council (2013–2014), is currently sitting
on the UN Human Rights Council (2018–2019), and continues to pursue multi-
and bilateral partnerships around the world. Driving this vision and activity is a set
of values “including political, economic and religious freedom, liberal democracy,
the rule of law, racial and gender equality and mutual respect” (DFAT 2017, 11,
emphasis added). While many of these values are loudly propounded, Australia
does not consider itself to be a feminist power, nor does it publicly emphasize a
Katrina Lee-Koo is an associate professor of international relations and deputy director of the Monash Gender,
Peace, and Security research centre at Monash University, Melbourne, Australia. Email: .
Lee-Koo, Katrina (2020) Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign
Policy Making. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1093/fpa/orz029
© The Author(s) (2020). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Studies Association.
All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail:
, KATRINA LEE-KOO 237
commitment to pro-gender norms in its foreign policy. Despite its stated embrace
of gender equality as a core shared national value (DFAT 2016 and 2017), there
has been no statement declaring a feminist foreign policy, nor has there been any
public claim that this is the direction that Australia is heading in.
Yet, a close analysis reveals a growing commitment to pro-gender norms across a
number of strategic policy documents in Australia’s foreign policy (including for-
eign, trade, aid, development, and defense policy). Commitments to the participa-
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/fpa/article/16/2/236/5782386 by University of New England user on 24 June 2021
tion of women, enhancing women’s leadership, promoting gender equality, and the
provisioning of resources to achieve and measure progress toward these goals is evi-
dent on a number of fronts. As will be demonstrated in this article, the most strident
outcomes are evident in what might be considered the softer sections of the portfo-
lios: development, aid, women’s economic entrepreneurship, community-engaged
peacebuilding, and human resourcing within government departments. However,
the traditionally masculinist policy areas of bi- and multilateral trade, foreign in-
vestment, war fighting, military procurement, and weapons trading remain largely
untouched by the move toward pro-gender norms. Australia is far from being her-
alded as a feminist foreign power; however, there is—alongside other liberal states—
evidence of an emerging commitment to pro-gender norms in policy design.
While there are clear similarities between elements of Australia’s foreign policy
and those of self-proclaimed feminist powers, the obvious difference is that the lat-
ter are publicly declared. Australia has embraced pro-gender norms in a number of
foreign policy areas but has done so quietly, even by stealth. This article argues that
the reasons for Australia’s relative public silence on its adoption of pro-gender norms
can be found within Australia’s domestic political landscape. In fact, Australian do-
mestic politics, particularly in the highly masculinized portfolios of foreign policy
and defense, remain conservative and potentially hostile to explicit statements of
feminism. Furthermore, the first-time appointment of women to these portfolios
makes open claims of a feminist foreign policy even more likely to generate hos-
tility and backlash. This is true not just of the policies themselves but also of the
women, who—in their roles as elected representatives—are answerable to a domes-
tic constituency and party room politics. Therefore, while there is evidence of an
open embrace of pro-gender norms, and even a possible directional shift toward a
feminist foreign policy, its conduct occurs by stealth, largely under the radar of the
conservative commentary on Australia’s foreign policy making.
Following a discussion of pro-gender norms in foreign policy, this article presents
evidence of the embrace of pro-gender norms in Australia’s foreign policy, through
an analysis of core foreign and defense policy and strategic doctrines. From there,
the article provides an overall assessment of whether this move represents a rhetor-
ical or substantial commitment. Following this, the article turns to the constraints
on this claim through an analysis of the areas where a gender analysis is absent or
where policy actively works against feminist principles. Finally, the article considers
why the pro-gender norms that do exist are being publicly marginalized. This leads
to an exploration of the barriers and constraints that the Australian foreign and de-
fense ministers face in openly declaring a commitment to feminist-inspired policy
making.
The Rise of Pro-Gender Norms in Foreign Policy
In the opening article to this special issue, Aggestam and True argue that analyzing
patterns of pro-gender norms in foreign policy requires attention to three concerns:
gender representation through the participation and leadership of diverse groups
of women in foreign policy; gender mainstreaming across policy; and a commit-
ment to transformative feminist principles. While pro-gender norms emerged on
the global stage with the adoption of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women) in 1979 and UNSCR 1325 in 2000,
Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth:
Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in
Australian Foreign Policy Making
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/fpa/article/16/2/236/5782386 by University of New England user on 24 June 2021
K AT R I N A L E E - K O O
Monash University
As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in
part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it
has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—
for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching
strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies
demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contra-
dictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to under-
pin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not pub-
licly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth.
This article examines the depth of Australia’s commitment to pro-gender
norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-
gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia’s politics limit the
capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.
Introduction
As this special issue is testament, a high-level political commitment to pro-gender
norms, in some cases via a feminist foreign policy, is emerging in a number of liberal
democratic states. Sweden, Canada, Norway, Finland, and Britain, among others,
have been vocal in their pursuit of pro-gender norms across a range of diplomatic,
security, aid, and development policies. The purpose of this article is to explore
whether the same can be said of Australia. In terms of its global engagement,
Australia imagines itself as an active middle-power, liberal in values, committed to
the rules-based order, and a dominant normative actor in its own region (Beeson
2011). In particular, it has always considered itself a “good international citizen”
who is well placed to advance liberal principles. At least in terms of its rhetoric
and self-imagining, it is committed to global institutions and global normative
actions that advance liberal and democratic principles in peace, security, and
trade (DFAT 2017, 3). As evidence of this commitment, it recently served as a
temporary member of the UN Security Council (2013–2014), is currently sitting
on the UN Human Rights Council (2018–2019), and continues to pursue multi-
and bilateral partnerships around the world. Driving this vision and activity is a set
of values “including political, economic and religious freedom, liberal democracy,
the rule of law, racial and gender equality and mutual respect” (DFAT 2017, 11,
emphasis added). While many of these values are loudly propounded, Australia
does not consider itself to be a feminist power, nor does it publicly emphasize a
Katrina Lee-Koo is an associate professor of international relations and deputy director of the Monash Gender,
Peace, and Security research centre at Monash University, Melbourne, Australia. Email: .
Lee-Koo, Katrina (2020) Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign
Policy Making. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1093/fpa/orz029
© The Author(s) (2020). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Studies Association.
All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail:
, KATRINA LEE-KOO 237
commitment to pro-gender norms in its foreign policy. Despite its stated embrace
of gender equality as a core shared national value (DFAT 2016 and 2017), there
has been no statement declaring a feminist foreign policy, nor has there been any
public claim that this is the direction that Australia is heading in.
Yet, a close analysis reveals a growing commitment to pro-gender norms across a
number of strategic policy documents in Australia’s foreign policy (including for-
eign, trade, aid, development, and defense policy). Commitments to the participa-
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/fpa/article/16/2/236/5782386 by University of New England user on 24 June 2021
tion of women, enhancing women’s leadership, promoting gender equality, and the
provisioning of resources to achieve and measure progress toward these goals is evi-
dent on a number of fronts. As will be demonstrated in this article, the most strident
outcomes are evident in what might be considered the softer sections of the portfo-
lios: development, aid, women’s economic entrepreneurship, community-engaged
peacebuilding, and human resourcing within government departments. However,
the traditionally masculinist policy areas of bi- and multilateral trade, foreign in-
vestment, war fighting, military procurement, and weapons trading remain largely
untouched by the move toward pro-gender norms. Australia is far from being her-
alded as a feminist foreign power; however, there is—alongside other liberal states—
evidence of an emerging commitment to pro-gender norms in policy design.
While there are clear similarities between elements of Australia’s foreign policy
and those of self-proclaimed feminist powers, the obvious difference is that the lat-
ter are publicly declared. Australia has embraced pro-gender norms in a number of
foreign policy areas but has done so quietly, even by stealth. This article argues that
the reasons for Australia’s relative public silence on its adoption of pro-gender norms
can be found within Australia’s domestic political landscape. In fact, Australian do-
mestic politics, particularly in the highly masculinized portfolios of foreign policy
and defense, remain conservative and potentially hostile to explicit statements of
feminism. Furthermore, the first-time appointment of women to these portfolios
makes open claims of a feminist foreign policy even more likely to generate hos-
tility and backlash. This is true not just of the policies themselves but also of the
women, who—in their roles as elected representatives—are answerable to a domes-
tic constituency and party room politics. Therefore, while there is evidence of an
open embrace of pro-gender norms, and even a possible directional shift toward a
feminist foreign policy, its conduct occurs by stealth, largely under the radar of the
conservative commentary on Australia’s foreign policy making.
Following a discussion of pro-gender norms in foreign policy, this article presents
evidence of the embrace of pro-gender norms in Australia’s foreign policy, through
an analysis of core foreign and defense policy and strategic doctrines. From there,
the article provides an overall assessment of whether this move represents a rhetor-
ical or substantial commitment. Following this, the article turns to the constraints
on this claim through an analysis of the areas where a gender analysis is absent or
where policy actively works against feminist principles. Finally, the article considers
why the pro-gender norms that do exist are being publicly marginalized. This leads
to an exploration of the barriers and constraints that the Australian foreign and de-
fense ministers face in openly declaring a commitment to feminist-inspired policy
making.
The Rise of Pro-Gender Norms in Foreign Policy
In the opening article to this special issue, Aggestam and True argue that analyzing
patterns of pro-gender norms in foreign policy requires attention to three concerns:
gender representation through the participation and leadership of diverse groups
of women in foreign policy; gender mainstreaming across policy; and a commit-
ment to transformative feminist principles. While pro-gender norms emerged on
the global stage with the adoption of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women) in 1979 and UNSCR 1325 in 2000,
