Inhoudsopgave
Hannigan, J. (1998). Fantasy City. London: Routledge. Chapter 4.......................................................................2
Featherstone, M. (1991). Chapter 7: City Cultures and Postmodern Lifestyles...................................................6
13-04-2022 lecture 8 LUD..................................................................................................................................11
Yuen, F. & A. Johnson (2016). Leisure Spaces, Community, and Third Places...................................................15
Arai, S. & A. Pedlar (2003). Moving beyond individualism in leisure theory: a critical analysis of concepts of
community and social engagement...................................................................................................................19
20-04-2022 lecture 9 LUD..................................................................................................................................24
Lees et al: The birth of gentrification.................................................................................................................27
25-04-2022 lecture 10 LUD................................................................................................................................32
Matusitz, J. & Palermo, L. (2014) The Disneyfication of the World: A Grobalisation Perspective.....................36
Currid, E. (2009). Bohemia as Subculture; ‘Bohemia’ as Industry......................................................................39
12-05-2022 lecture 11 LUD................................................................................................................................42
Glover, T. (2015). Chapter 7: Animating Public Space.......................................................................................45
Richards, G. (2017). From place branding to placemaking: the role of events..................................................48
18-05-2022 lecture 12 LUD................................................................................................................................52
Eventful Cities: Cultural Management and Urban Revitalization. Chapter 11...................................................55
Scott,M. (2020). Covid-19, Place-making, and Health.......................................................................................58
23-05-2022 lecture 13 LUD................................................................................................................................60
1
,Hannigan, J. (1998). Fantasy City. London: Routledge. Chapter 4.
How does Hannigan typify the ‘postmodern consumer’?
The “postmodern consumer” is commonly depicted as elusive (ongrijpbaar): a free soul who
darts in and out of arenas of consumption which are fluid and non-totalizing. He eschews
(onttrekt zich aan) loyalty to brands while constructing individual identity from multiple
images and symbols; subverting (ondermijden) the market rather than being seduced
(verleiden) by it. Instead of going along with the American Dream as previous generations
did, postmodern consumers are living for the thrill of the spectacle without feeling the
necessity to relate such fragmented moments to a large direction of progress.
So, what is, according to Hannigan, the appeal of Fantasy City to postmodern consumers?
Explain these four possibilities and how they relate to the demands and desires of Hannigans
explanation of these ‘postmodern consumers’.
Hannigan suggests four possibilities: “the siren song of seductive technology; a new source of
‘cultural capital’; a prime provider of experiences which satisfy our desire for ‘riskless risk;
and a form of ‘affective ambience’”.
1. Seductive (verleidelijk) technology
As Featherstone (1995) notes, the techniques for producing illusion and spectacles in the
postmodern consumer culture have become more refined (verfijnd). Now, it’s not Mickey’s
message that brings the crowds to Disney World but rather the gadgetry with which the
“imagineers” charm, frighten, delight and transport visitors to it. Technology itself, is our
theater, endlessly seductive (verleidelijk) no matter how high the price. If we accept this
view, the theme park city is destined to succeed because it offers technological treats not
available on home computers or tv screens.
In the postmodern consumer culture, we can readily “switch codes,” participating in a
simulated experience and then stepping back and examining the techniques whereby the
illusion is achieved. In fact, frequently this is encouraged. For example, at the Disney
Institution in Orlando, one can enroll in mini courses titled “Painting Illusions” and
“Imagineer It” which reveal the process behind the Disney “magic.” In all of this, there is
little sense of nostalgic loss; visitors seem to be able to embrace the fantasy at the same
time as being able to appreciate the technological wizardry.
2. Cultural capital
Hannigan refers to Bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital (just like Mike Featherstone does in
his book chapter). Explain how leisure experiences are linked to the notion of cultural capital.
Fantasy City’s other source of appeal is that it opens a new vein of what Bourdieu (1984)
calls “cultural capital’’: cultural resources which can be employed to give us an advantage in
our dealings with others. In the context of Fantasy City, this is summed up by the
increasingly popular phrase, “been there, done that”.
This projects the importance of branding. What’s at stake is not just technological seduction
but the bestowal of status. It is no accident that the profit core of themed restaurants and
attractions is not from food, drink, or the rides, but is generated instead from its logo-
imprinted souvenir merchandise—acting as a passport stamp which confirms that the tourist
has come and gone.
2
,This “passportization of experience” is in evidence among participants in sports and leisure
experiences. An example is the Hard Rock Café, with customers buying and trading pins from
the different Cafés around the world. Those souvenirs are also regarded as “passports,”
proclaiming not only that you have been somewhere interesting but that you have
consumed a highly rated experience.
Fantasy City provides yet another level and source of cultural capital. What is significant is
the fact that consumption is increasingly occurring within the context of programmed leisure
experiences. The global merchants of leisure, the architects of Fantasy City, are creating a
new kind of consumer who feels “entitled” to a constant and technologically dazzling level of
amusement, and who incorporates entertainment experiences into their repertoire of
cultural capital. Thus, “been there, done that” (and having the trademarked souvenir to
prove it) replaces the traditional “buy it and flaunt it” consumptive strategies of the past.
3. The “riskless risk”
It is easy to understand the notion or ‘riskless risk’ when applying this notion to the appeal of
a thrill ride or bungeejumping. But how does this notion apply to urban landscapes?
Fantasy City is at the apex (toppunt) of “riskless risk.” This refers to being able to take
chances that are in fact not really chances. Rojek uses a related concept, “the recurrence of
reassurance,” to describe the way in which many contemporary leisure and tourist
attractions are calculated to package our fantasy experiences within a safe, reassuring, and
predictable environment. An example is Times Square, New York. In the late 1960s, it was on
its way to becoming the “sleaziest block in America”. Nowadays, as an urban theme park,
Times Square is cleaner, safer, and the kind of place where parents can take their children.
Sanitized razzmatazz: what’s likely to disappear is a sense of urban danger, deviance, or
desire, all of which were present in generous portions in the 1960s.
The “riskless risk” so evident in the themed environments of Fantasy City is part of a wider
trend in which various foreign cultures and domestic subcultures are appropriated,
disemboweled and then marketed as safe, sanitized versions of the original. Indeed, Fantasy
City can deliver faux versions of almost everything. Few, if any, of the customers of these
attractions have the desire to embrace the real risks of life in the inner city.
In the contemporary “risk society” we are increasingly subject to an escalation of global risks
over which we have little control, then such mildly exciting (licht opwindende) but essentially
harmless activities as virtual reality skydiving, may provide just the right measure of
“reassurance,” (geruststelling). As entertainment technology becomes more sophisticated
(geavanceerd), we will come to expect a heightened degree (hogere graad) of reality which
at some point will approach the real thing (“actual reality,” perhaps).
Example of riskless risk: experiences which would otherwise be unattainable because of
geography, cost, or historical disappearance. In Japan, theme parks with a travel motif are
currently popular. Without the need to venture abroad, visitors can experience kebabs, belly
dancing, sauerkraut, etc. These “simulated enclaves of ethnicity” epitomize riskless risk:
because of the parks, you don't have any more travel inconveniences.
3
, Yet, one cannot help but suspect that underlying this brave new virtual risk- modulated
world there is a sense of regret. Fantasy City can dazzle (verblinden) us with its “realism”,
but nevertheless, it ultimately leaves us with the sensation that “virtual travel” is less risky
than really travelling.
At the epicenter of its appeal is the promise that Fantasy City will provide middle-class
residents with a measure of urban experience in what is essentially a suburban context.
Visitors to the “private city” clearly want to have the best of both worlds, embracing the
benefits of traditional cities: energy, variety, visual stimulation, cultural opportunities, a
consumerist culture, without exposing themselves to the problems that accompany urban
life: poverty, crime, racial conflict.
The urban bourgeoisie at the beginning of the twentieth century (Ch. 1) had a remarkably
similar mindset, leading the leisure merchants of the day to come up with strategies to push
them to visit the movie palaces and amusement parks without feeling threatened.
Not all Fantasy City-landscapes are planned, some are spontaneously developed, such as
‘Madchester’ and the ‘Gay Village’ in Manchester. How do these places differ from the
planned fantasy landscapes as mentioned by Hannigan? Are these places more real?
Goldberger raises another point which is important in relating fantasy cities to the culture of
consumption. Disneyesque landscapes are filled with consumers of culture, he observes, but
not with those who make and shape it. In this aspect, they differ from districts of the city
which are spontaneously colonized by culture producers. Wynne (1993) has identified two
such redeveloped areas in the city center of Manchester in GB: “Madchester” and the “Gay
Village”—which they describe as spaces of pleasure and cultural production/consumption
not anticipated or created by the planners and property developers.
There are various reasons why areas such as these two examples are an anathema
(vervloekt) to the corporate architects of Fantasy City. First is the issue of who’s in charge. At
the same time, these urban destinations are often magnets for tourists and suburban visitors
looking for some excitement beyond the programmed variety available in Disney-style
compounds. Cognizant of this, city planners and commercial operators are continually
looking for ways to turn this to their advantage.
4. Affective ambience
What is, essentially, the affective ambiance that Hannigan refers to?
Finally, the entertainment venues in Fantasy City provide a form of “affective ambience”
which is perfectly suited to the collective mood of the 1990s. Quasi-streets may be
inauthentic, but they provide comfortable and convenient “sites of social centrality where
people can interact lightly in crowds without too much hinging on the outcome”. As such,
they redress one of the gaps of life in the suburbs.
Suburban neighborhoods (or at least the middle-class ones of the 1950s and 1960s) where
frequently depicted as sociable places, especially in comparison to urban communities. Yet,
much of this social life was practiced within private settings (backyards, pools): high degree
of personal commitment. At the same time, public settings such as giant supermarkets were
designed to provide convenience and efficiency rather than social interaction. By contrast,
life in an inner-city neighborhood or streetcar suburb provided a better balance between
privacy and sociability.
4
Hannigan, J. (1998). Fantasy City. London: Routledge. Chapter 4.......................................................................2
Featherstone, M. (1991). Chapter 7: City Cultures and Postmodern Lifestyles...................................................6
13-04-2022 lecture 8 LUD..................................................................................................................................11
Yuen, F. & A. Johnson (2016). Leisure Spaces, Community, and Third Places...................................................15
Arai, S. & A. Pedlar (2003). Moving beyond individualism in leisure theory: a critical analysis of concepts of
community and social engagement...................................................................................................................19
20-04-2022 lecture 9 LUD..................................................................................................................................24
Lees et al: The birth of gentrification.................................................................................................................27
25-04-2022 lecture 10 LUD................................................................................................................................32
Matusitz, J. & Palermo, L. (2014) The Disneyfication of the World: A Grobalisation Perspective.....................36
Currid, E. (2009). Bohemia as Subculture; ‘Bohemia’ as Industry......................................................................39
12-05-2022 lecture 11 LUD................................................................................................................................42
Glover, T. (2015). Chapter 7: Animating Public Space.......................................................................................45
Richards, G. (2017). From place branding to placemaking: the role of events..................................................48
18-05-2022 lecture 12 LUD................................................................................................................................52
Eventful Cities: Cultural Management and Urban Revitalization. Chapter 11...................................................55
Scott,M. (2020). Covid-19, Place-making, and Health.......................................................................................58
23-05-2022 lecture 13 LUD................................................................................................................................60
1
,Hannigan, J. (1998). Fantasy City. London: Routledge. Chapter 4.
How does Hannigan typify the ‘postmodern consumer’?
The “postmodern consumer” is commonly depicted as elusive (ongrijpbaar): a free soul who
darts in and out of arenas of consumption which are fluid and non-totalizing. He eschews
(onttrekt zich aan) loyalty to brands while constructing individual identity from multiple
images and symbols; subverting (ondermijden) the market rather than being seduced
(verleiden) by it. Instead of going along with the American Dream as previous generations
did, postmodern consumers are living for the thrill of the spectacle without feeling the
necessity to relate such fragmented moments to a large direction of progress.
So, what is, according to Hannigan, the appeal of Fantasy City to postmodern consumers?
Explain these four possibilities and how they relate to the demands and desires of Hannigans
explanation of these ‘postmodern consumers’.
Hannigan suggests four possibilities: “the siren song of seductive technology; a new source of
‘cultural capital’; a prime provider of experiences which satisfy our desire for ‘riskless risk;
and a form of ‘affective ambience’”.
1. Seductive (verleidelijk) technology
As Featherstone (1995) notes, the techniques for producing illusion and spectacles in the
postmodern consumer culture have become more refined (verfijnd). Now, it’s not Mickey’s
message that brings the crowds to Disney World but rather the gadgetry with which the
“imagineers” charm, frighten, delight and transport visitors to it. Technology itself, is our
theater, endlessly seductive (verleidelijk) no matter how high the price. If we accept this
view, the theme park city is destined to succeed because it offers technological treats not
available on home computers or tv screens.
In the postmodern consumer culture, we can readily “switch codes,” participating in a
simulated experience and then stepping back and examining the techniques whereby the
illusion is achieved. In fact, frequently this is encouraged. For example, at the Disney
Institution in Orlando, one can enroll in mini courses titled “Painting Illusions” and
“Imagineer It” which reveal the process behind the Disney “magic.” In all of this, there is
little sense of nostalgic loss; visitors seem to be able to embrace the fantasy at the same
time as being able to appreciate the technological wizardry.
2. Cultural capital
Hannigan refers to Bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital (just like Mike Featherstone does in
his book chapter). Explain how leisure experiences are linked to the notion of cultural capital.
Fantasy City’s other source of appeal is that it opens a new vein of what Bourdieu (1984)
calls “cultural capital’’: cultural resources which can be employed to give us an advantage in
our dealings with others. In the context of Fantasy City, this is summed up by the
increasingly popular phrase, “been there, done that”.
This projects the importance of branding. What’s at stake is not just technological seduction
but the bestowal of status. It is no accident that the profit core of themed restaurants and
attractions is not from food, drink, or the rides, but is generated instead from its logo-
imprinted souvenir merchandise—acting as a passport stamp which confirms that the tourist
has come and gone.
2
,This “passportization of experience” is in evidence among participants in sports and leisure
experiences. An example is the Hard Rock Café, with customers buying and trading pins from
the different Cafés around the world. Those souvenirs are also regarded as “passports,”
proclaiming not only that you have been somewhere interesting but that you have
consumed a highly rated experience.
Fantasy City provides yet another level and source of cultural capital. What is significant is
the fact that consumption is increasingly occurring within the context of programmed leisure
experiences. The global merchants of leisure, the architects of Fantasy City, are creating a
new kind of consumer who feels “entitled” to a constant and technologically dazzling level of
amusement, and who incorporates entertainment experiences into their repertoire of
cultural capital. Thus, “been there, done that” (and having the trademarked souvenir to
prove it) replaces the traditional “buy it and flaunt it” consumptive strategies of the past.
3. The “riskless risk”
It is easy to understand the notion or ‘riskless risk’ when applying this notion to the appeal of
a thrill ride or bungeejumping. But how does this notion apply to urban landscapes?
Fantasy City is at the apex (toppunt) of “riskless risk.” This refers to being able to take
chances that are in fact not really chances. Rojek uses a related concept, “the recurrence of
reassurance,” to describe the way in which many contemporary leisure and tourist
attractions are calculated to package our fantasy experiences within a safe, reassuring, and
predictable environment. An example is Times Square, New York. In the late 1960s, it was on
its way to becoming the “sleaziest block in America”. Nowadays, as an urban theme park,
Times Square is cleaner, safer, and the kind of place where parents can take their children.
Sanitized razzmatazz: what’s likely to disappear is a sense of urban danger, deviance, or
desire, all of which were present in generous portions in the 1960s.
The “riskless risk” so evident in the themed environments of Fantasy City is part of a wider
trend in which various foreign cultures and domestic subcultures are appropriated,
disemboweled and then marketed as safe, sanitized versions of the original. Indeed, Fantasy
City can deliver faux versions of almost everything. Few, if any, of the customers of these
attractions have the desire to embrace the real risks of life in the inner city.
In the contemporary “risk society” we are increasingly subject to an escalation of global risks
over which we have little control, then such mildly exciting (licht opwindende) but essentially
harmless activities as virtual reality skydiving, may provide just the right measure of
“reassurance,” (geruststelling). As entertainment technology becomes more sophisticated
(geavanceerd), we will come to expect a heightened degree (hogere graad) of reality which
at some point will approach the real thing (“actual reality,” perhaps).
Example of riskless risk: experiences which would otherwise be unattainable because of
geography, cost, or historical disappearance. In Japan, theme parks with a travel motif are
currently popular. Without the need to venture abroad, visitors can experience kebabs, belly
dancing, sauerkraut, etc. These “simulated enclaves of ethnicity” epitomize riskless risk:
because of the parks, you don't have any more travel inconveniences.
3
, Yet, one cannot help but suspect that underlying this brave new virtual risk- modulated
world there is a sense of regret. Fantasy City can dazzle (verblinden) us with its “realism”,
but nevertheless, it ultimately leaves us with the sensation that “virtual travel” is less risky
than really travelling.
At the epicenter of its appeal is the promise that Fantasy City will provide middle-class
residents with a measure of urban experience in what is essentially a suburban context.
Visitors to the “private city” clearly want to have the best of both worlds, embracing the
benefits of traditional cities: energy, variety, visual stimulation, cultural opportunities, a
consumerist culture, without exposing themselves to the problems that accompany urban
life: poverty, crime, racial conflict.
The urban bourgeoisie at the beginning of the twentieth century (Ch. 1) had a remarkably
similar mindset, leading the leisure merchants of the day to come up with strategies to push
them to visit the movie palaces and amusement parks without feeling threatened.
Not all Fantasy City-landscapes are planned, some are spontaneously developed, such as
‘Madchester’ and the ‘Gay Village’ in Manchester. How do these places differ from the
planned fantasy landscapes as mentioned by Hannigan? Are these places more real?
Goldberger raises another point which is important in relating fantasy cities to the culture of
consumption. Disneyesque landscapes are filled with consumers of culture, he observes, but
not with those who make and shape it. In this aspect, they differ from districts of the city
which are spontaneously colonized by culture producers. Wynne (1993) has identified two
such redeveloped areas in the city center of Manchester in GB: “Madchester” and the “Gay
Village”—which they describe as spaces of pleasure and cultural production/consumption
not anticipated or created by the planners and property developers.
There are various reasons why areas such as these two examples are an anathema
(vervloekt) to the corporate architects of Fantasy City. First is the issue of who’s in charge. At
the same time, these urban destinations are often magnets for tourists and suburban visitors
looking for some excitement beyond the programmed variety available in Disney-style
compounds. Cognizant of this, city planners and commercial operators are continually
looking for ways to turn this to their advantage.
4. Affective ambience
What is, essentially, the affective ambiance that Hannigan refers to?
Finally, the entertainment venues in Fantasy City provide a form of “affective ambience”
which is perfectly suited to the collective mood of the 1990s. Quasi-streets may be
inauthentic, but they provide comfortable and convenient “sites of social centrality where
people can interact lightly in crowds without too much hinging on the outcome”. As such,
they redress one of the gaps of life in the suburbs.
Suburban neighborhoods (or at least the middle-class ones of the 1950s and 1960s) where
frequently depicted as sociable places, especially in comparison to urban communities. Yet,
much of this social life was practiced within private settings (backyards, pools): high degree
of personal commitment. At the same time, public settings such as giant supermarkets were
designed to provide convenience and efficiency rather than social interaction. By contrast,
life in an inner-city neighborhood or streetcar suburb provided a better balance between
privacy and sociability.
4
