THE HISTORY OF A CRIME THE
TESTIMONY OF AN EYE-WITNESS BY
VICTOR HUGO THE FIRST DAY—
THE AMBUSH. CHAPTER I. "SECURITY" On December 1,
1851, Charras shrugged his shoulder and unloaded his
pistols. In truth, the belief in the possibility of a coup
d'état had become humiliating. The supposition of such
illegal violence on the part of M. Louis Bonaparte
vanished upon serious consideration. The great question
of the day was manifestly the Devincq election; it was
clear that the Government was only thinking of that
,matter. As to a conspiracy against the Republic and against
the People, how could any one premeditate such a plot?
Where was the man capable of entertaining such a
dream? For a tragedy there must be an actor, and here
assuredly the actor was wanting. To outrage Right, to
suppress the Assembly, to abolish the Constitution, to
strangle the Republic, to overthrow the Nation, to sully
the Flag, to dishonor the Army, to suborn the Clergy and
the Magistracy, to succeed, to triumph, to govern, to
administer, to exile, to banish, to transport, to ruin, to
assassinate, to reign, with such complicities that the law
at last resembles a foul bed of corruption. What! All these
enormities were to be committed! And by whom? By a
Colossus? No, by a dwarf. People laughed at the notion.
They no longer said "What a crime!" but "What a farce!"
For after all they reflected; heinous crimes require stature.
Certain crimes are too lofty for certain hands. A
man who would achieve an 18th Brumaire must have
Arcola in his past and Austerlitz in his future. The art of
becoming a great scoundrel is not accorded to the first
comer. People said to themselves, Who is this son of
Hortense? He has Strasbourg behind him instead of
,Arcola, and Boulogne in place of Austerlitz. He is a
Frenchman, born a Dutchman, and naturalized a Swiss; he
is a Bonaparte crossed with a Verhuell; he is only
celebrated for the ludicrousness of his imperial attitude,
and he who would pluck a feather from his eagle would
risk finding a goose's quill in his hand. This Bonaparte does
not pass currency in the array, he is a counterfeit image
less of gold than of lead, and assuredly French soldiers will
not give us the change for this false Napoleon in rebellion,
in atrocities, in massacres, in outrages, in treason. If he
should attempt roguery it would miscarry. Not a regiment
would stir. Besides, why should he make such an attempt?
Doubtless he has his suspicious side, but why suppose him
an absolute villain? Such extreme outrages are beyond
him; he is incapable of them
physically, why judge him capable of them morally? Has
he not pledged honor? Has he not said, "No one in Europe
doubts my word?" Let us fear nothing. To this could be
answered, Crimes are committed either on a grand or on a
mean scale. In the first category there is Caesar; in the
second there is Mandrin. Caesar passes the Rubicon,
Mandrin bestrides the gutter. But wise men interposed,
, "Are we not prejudiced by offensive conjectures? This man
has been exiled and unfortunate. Exile enlightens,
misfortune corrects." For his part Louis Bonaparte
protested energetically. Facts abounded in his favor. Why
should he not act in good faith? He had made remarkable
promises. Towards the end of October, 1848, then a
candidate for the Presidency, he was calling at No. 37, Rue
de la Tour d'Auvergne, on a certain personage, to whom
he remarked, "I wish to have an explanation with you.
They slander me. Do I give you the impression of a
madman? They think that I wish to revivify Napoleon.
There are two men whom a great ambition can take for its
models, Napoleon and Washington. The one is a man of
Genius, the other is a man of Virtue. It is ridiculous to say,
'I will be a man of Genius;' it is honest to say, 'I will be a
man of Virtue.' Which of these depends upon ourselves?
Which can we accomplish by our will? To be Genius? No.
To be Probity? Yes. The attainment of Genius is not
possible; the attainment of Probity is a possibility. And
what could I revive of Napoleon? One sole thing—a crime.
Truly a worthy ambition! Why should I be considered
man? The Republic being established, I am not a great
TESTIMONY OF AN EYE-WITNESS BY
VICTOR HUGO THE FIRST DAY—
THE AMBUSH. CHAPTER I. "SECURITY" On December 1,
1851, Charras shrugged his shoulder and unloaded his
pistols. In truth, the belief in the possibility of a coup
d'état had become humiliating. The supposition of such
illegal violence on the part of M. Louis Bonaparte
vanished upon serious consideration. The great question
of the day was manifestly the Devincq election; it was
clear that the Government was only thinking of that
,matter. As to a conspiracy against the Republic and against
the People, how could any one premeditate such a plot?
Where was the man capable of entertaining such a
dream? For a tragedy there must be an actor, and here
assuredly the actor was wanting. To outrage Right, to
suppress the Assembly, to abolish the Constitution, to
strangle the Republic, to overthrow the Nation, to sully
the Flag, to dishonor the Army, to suborn the Clergy and
the Magistracy, to succeed, to triumph, to govern, to
administer, to exile, to banish, to transport, to ruin, to
assassinate, to reign, with such complicities that the law
at last resembles a foul bed of corruption. What! All these
enormities were to be committed! And by whom? By a
Colossus? No, by a dwarf. People laughed at the notion.
They no longer said "What a crime!" but "What a farce!"
For after all they reflected; heinous crimes require stature.
Certain crimes are too lofty for certain hands. A
man who would achieve an 18th Brumaire must have
Arcola in his past and Austerlitz in his future. The art of
becoming a great scoundrel is not accorded to the first
comer. People said to themselves, Who is this son of
Hortense? He has Strasbourg behind him instead of
,Arcola, and Boulogne in place of Austerlitz. He is a
Frenchman, born a Dutchman, and naturalized a Swiss; he
is a Bonaparte crossed with a Verhuell; he is only
celebrated for the ludicrousness of his imperial attitude,
and he who would pluck a feather from his eagle would
risk finding a goose's quill in his hand. This Bonaparte does
not pass currency in the array, he is a counterfeit image
less of gold than of lead, and assuredly French soldiers will
not give us the change for this false Napoleon in rebellion,
in atrocities, in massacres, in outrages, in treason. If he
should attempt roguery it would miscarry. Not a regiment
would stir. Besides, why should he make such an attempt?
Doubtless he has his suspicious side, but why suppose him
an absolute villain? Such extreme outrages are beyond
him; he is incapable of them
physically, why judge him capable of them morally? Has
he not pledged honor? Has he not said, "No one in Europe
doubts my word?" Let us fear nothing. To this could be
answered, Crimes are committed either on a grand or on a
mean scale. In the first category there is Caesar; in the
second there is Mandrin. Caesar passes the Rubicon,
Mandrin bestrides the gutter. But wise men interposed,
, "Are we not prejudiced by offensive conjectures? This man
has been exiled and unfortunate. Exile enlightens,
misfortune corrects." For his part Louis Bonaparte
protested energetically. Facts abounded in his favor. Why
should he not act in good faith? He had made remarkable
promises. Towards the end of October, 1848, then a
candidate for the Presidency, he was calling at No. 37, Rue
de la Tour d'Auvergne, on a certain personage, to whom
he remarked, "I wish to have an explanation with you.
They slander me. Do I give you the impression of a
madman? They think that I wish to revivify Napoleon.
There are two men whom a great ambition can take for its
models, Napoleon and Washington. The one is a man of
Genius, the other is a man of Virtue. It is ridiculous to say,
'I will be a man of Genius;' it is honest to say, 'I will be a
man of Virtue.' Which of these depends upon ourselves?
Which can we accomplish by our will? To be Genius? No.
To be Probity? Yes. The attainment of Genius is not
possible; the attainment of Probity is a possibility. And
what could I revive of Napoleon? One sole thing—a crime.
Truly a worthy ambition! Why should I be considered
man? The Republic being established, I am not a great
