Encyclopedia
of Sociology
Second Edition
,Encyclopedia
of Sociology
Second Edition
VOLUME 3
Edgar F. Borgatta
Editor-in-Chief
University of Washington, Seattle
Rhonda J. V. Montgomery
Managing Editor
University of Kansas, Lawrence
, J
JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY became the first professor of sociology in Japan
and is regarded as the founder of Japanese sociolo-
Japanese sociology divides roughly into four stag- gy. Toyama, and later Nagao Ariga (1860–1921), a
es of development: pre–World War II, with em- student of Fenollosa and the first sociologist in
phasis on theoretical and philosophical orienta- Japan to publish, both introduced aspects of Her-
tions, influenced primarily by European (especially bert Spencer’s organic analogy for society. The
German) sources; post–World War II, with grow- works of Spencer and John Stuart Mill were par-
ing emphasis on empirical orientations, influenced ticularly significant during these early years and
primarily by the United States; diversification, with were translated frequently.
emphases on both theoretical and empirical orien-
Tongo Takebe (1871–1945), successor to Toyama
tations (on various aspects of the history of Japa-
in 1898, introduced Auguste Comte to Japan,
nese sociology, see, e.g., Halmos 1966; Koyano
combining Comte’s positivism with Confucian phi-
1976; Odaka 1950); and globalization, with em-
losophy and social thought to fit Japanese society.
phasis on theoretical orientations and an increas-
In 1913 Takebe also founded the Japan Institute of
ing number of empirical orientations, some en-
Sociology, an organization replaced by the Japan
compassing cross-national and foreign area studies.
Sociological Society in 1924. A new approach be-
In a general sense, the development of Japanese
gan to take hold in the 1910s—the psychological
sociology reflects the country’s social and cultural
approach initiated by Ryukichi Endo (1874–1946),
change, as well as shifting national policies. The
who drew on Franklin Giddings’s theory of con-
significant Western influence generally exhibits a
sciousness of kind to explain social phenomena.
time lag in terms of its expression in Japanese
sociology. During the 1910s, other Western sociologi-
cal theories came to Japan, largely through the
work of Shotaro Yoneda (1873–1945). Yoneda,
PRE–WORLD WAR II STAGE (1893–1945) who looked at society and culture from a
sociopsychological perspective, was an important
Japanese sociology began as a European import
teacher who introduced the ideas of many West-
and reflected a conservative stance. This occurred
ern sociologists to Japan, including those of Gabri-
shortly after the Meiji Restoration of 1868. E. F.
el Tarde, Emile Durkheim, Georg Simmel, and
Fenollosa (1853–1908), an American professor,
Franklin Giddings. Yoneda laid the groundwork
first taught sociology at the University of Tokyo in
for the subsequent strong influence of the Ger-
1878. Three years later, Masakazu Toyama (1848–
man school of sociology.
1900) began teaching at the same university; in
1893 (just one year after the founding of the From this point forward, until the end of
University of Chicago’s sociology department), he World War II, the German school dominated
1477
, JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY
Japanese sociology. There were two major divi- however, hindered the development of empirical
sions that grew out of the German school: formale research during this time.
Soziologie (formal sociology) and, later, Kultursoziologie
(cultural sociology). The major proponent of the Two phenomena in particular worked against
former was Yasuma Takata (1883–1972), a student the development of Japanese sociology prior to
of Yoneda. Takata (1922, 1989) successfully changed World War II. First, Japanese sociology focused on
the view of sociology from that of a synthesis of the European sociology rather than on studies of its
social sciences to one in which sociology stood as own society. The second phenomenon, bolstered
separate and independent, drawing in particular by government officials and scholars inclined to-
on the work and influence of Max Weber, Georg ward nationalistic militarism, involved a distorted
Simmel, Ferdinand Tönnies, and Robert MacIver. public image: that sociology and sociologists were
associated with socialism because of the two words’
New influences, however, emerged in the 1920s. similarity in the Japanese language (‘‘sociology,’’
Formal sociology was deemed abstract and out of shakaigaku; ‘‘socialism,’’ shakaishugi). Many thought
touch with the real world. As a consequence, that sociology was the study of socialism or social
cultural sociology gained a stronger foothold in revolution and that sociologists were socialists and,
both Germany and Japan. Pioneering the work in
therefore, a sinister threat to national security. As
cultural sociology in Japan was Eikichi Seki (1900–
World War II grew closer, and during the war,
1939). No doubt a reaction to the Depression of
publications were often censored, academic free-
1929, cultural sociology gained popularity for its
dom was severely curtailed, and meetings and
closer ties with the social realities of the day.
conventions were forbidden.
Although a theory of cultural sociology fitting the
Japanese society seemed imminent, it never really
unfolded. POSTWAR STAGE (1946–1960s)
While there were also French and American Defeat and U.S. occupation brought drastic social
influences on Japanese sociology during the pre- changes to Japan. The traditional family system
war period, they were minor compared with those collapsed, and land reform became the order of
of Germany. Jyun’ichiro Matsumoto (1893–1947)
the day. Favorite prewar survey subjects centering
saw a need to synthesize formal and cultural soci-
on village and family were replaced by issues relat-
ology into what he would call ‘‘general sociology.’’
ed to land reform and revision of traditional fami-
At the same time, Masamichi Shimmei (1898–
ly values. Indeed, the traditional Japanese value
1988) sought to take Matsumoto’s thoughts and
system was pulled out from under the nation.
combine them with Simmel’s general sociology
‘‘Democratization’’ was the new buzzword. The
and the thinking of Karl Mannheim.
term ‘‘sociology’’ was released from taboo. Educa-
Because Western theory and thought domi- tional reforms in the 1950s now required sociolo-
nated Japanese sociology in the prewar period, gy courses as part of the general university educa-
little of the work analyzed Japanese society. There tion, especially for freshmen and sophomores.
were, however, a handful of notable empirical More and more departments of sociology or soci-
studies, especially in family and rural sociology, a ology programs within other departments were
tradition begun at the University of Tokyo by formed, particularly at private colleges and univer-
Teizo Toda (1887–1955). Toda had studied at the sities. Suddenly, many sociologists were needed.
University of Chicago, where he learned about American influences were rampant in all areas of
survey methodologies being used in the United Japanese society, and sociology was no exception.
States. Toda analyzed statistics on the Japanese Many American sociological theories came to in-
family structure, using census and other then- fluence Japanese sociology, the strongest being
current and historical data. Kizaemon Aruga (1897– that of Talcott Parsons.
1979) worked in the area of rural sociology, link-
ing his findings with previous folklore studies and As the importance of empirical study was
working toward clarifying the condition of social growing in the United States, Japanese sociologists
strata in prewar Japan. Lack of financial support, also began to develop a strong interest in empirical
1478
of Sociology
Second Edition
,Encyclopedia
of Sociology
Second Edition
VOLUME 3
Edgar F. Borgatta
Editor-in-Chief
University of Washington, Seattle
Rhonda J. V. Montgomery
Managing Editor
University of Kansas, Lawrence
, J
JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY became the first professor of sociology in Japan
and is regarded as the founder of Japanese sociolo-
Japanese sociology divides roughly into four stag- gy. Toyama, and later Nagao Ariga (1860–1921), a
es of development: pre–World War II, with em- student of Fenollosa and the first sociologist in
phasis on theoretical and philosophical orienta- Japan to publish, both introduced aspects of Her-
tions, influenced primarily by European (especially bert Spencer’s organic analogy for society. The
German) sources; post–World War II, with grow- works of Spencer and John Stuart Mill were par-
ing emphasis on empirical orientations, influenced ticularly significant during these early years and
primarily by the United States; diversification, with were translated frequently.
emphases on both theoretical and empirical orien-
Tongo Takebe (1871–1945), successor to Toyama
tations (on various aspects of the history of Japa-
in 1898, introduced Auguste Comte to Japan,
nese sociology, see, e.g., Halmos 1966; Koyano
combining Comte’s positivism with Confucian phi-
1976; Odaka 1950); and globalization, with em-
losophy and social thought to fit Japanese society.
phasis on theoretical orientations and an increas-
In 1913 Takebe also founded the Japan Institute of
ing number of empirical orientations, some en-
Sociology, an organization replaced by the Japan
compassing cross-national and foreign area studies.
Sociological Society in 1924. A new approach be-
In a general sense, the development of Japanese
gan to take hold in the 1910s—the psychological
sociology reflects the country’s social and cultural
approach initiated by Ryukichi Endo (1874–1946),
change, as well as shifting national policies. The
who drew on Franklin Giddings’s theory of con-
significant Western influence generally exhibits a
sciousness of kind to explain social phenomena.
time lag in terms of its expression in Japanese
sociology. During the 1910s, other Western sociologi-
cal theories came to Japan, largely through the
work of Shotaro Yoneda (1873–1945). Yoneda,
PRE–WORLD WAR II STAGE (1893–1945) who looked at society and culture from a
sociopsychological perspective, was an important
Japanese sociology began as a European import
teacher who introduced the ideas of many West-
and reflected a conservative stance. This occurred
ern sociologists to Japan, including those of Gabri-
shortly after the Meiji Restoration of 1868. E. F.
el Tarde, Emile Durkheim, Georg Simmel, and
Fenollosa (1853–1908), an American professor,
Franklin Giddings. Yoneda laid the groundwork
first taught sociology at the University of Tokyo in
for the subsequent strong influence of the Ger-
1878. Three years later, Masakazu Toyama (1848–
man school of sociology.
1900) began teaching at the same university; in
1893 (just one year after the founding of the From this point forward, until the end of
University of Chicago’s sociology department), he World War II, the German school dominated
1477
, JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY
Japanese sociology. There were two major divi- however, hindered the development of empirical
sions that grew out of the German school: formale research during this time.
Soziologie (formal sociology) and, later, Kultursoziologie
(cultural sociology). The major proponent of the Two phenomena in particular worked against
former was Yasuma Takata (1883–1972), a student the development of Japanese sociology prior to
of Yoneda. Takata (1922, 1989) successfully changed World War II. First, Japanese sociology focused on
the view of sociology from that of a synthesis of the European sociology rather than on studies of its
social sciences to one in which sociology stood as own society. The second phenomenon, bolstered
separate and independent, drawing in particular by government officials and scholars inclined to-
on the work and influence of Max Weber, Georg ward nationalistic militarism, involved a distorted
Simmel, Ferdinand Tönnies, and Robert MacIver. public image: that sociology and sociologists were
associated with socialism because of the two words’
New influences, however, emerged in the 1920s. similarity in the Japanese language (‘‘sociology,’’
Formal sociology was deemed abstract and out of shakaigaku; ‘‘socialism,’’ shakaishugi). Many thought
touch with the real world. As a consequence, that sociology was the study of socialism or social
cultural sociology gained a stronger foothold in revolution and that sociologists were socialists and,
both Germany and Japan. Pioneering the work in
therefore, a sinister threat to national security. As
cultural sociology in Japan was Eikichi Seki (1900–
World War II grew closer, and during the war,
1939). No doubt a reaction to the Depression of
publications were often censored, academic free-
1929, cultural sociology gained popularity for its
dom was severely curtailed, and meetings and
closer ties with the social realities of the day.
conventions were forbidden.
Although a theory of cultural sociology fitting the
Japanese society seemed imminent, it never really
unfolded. POSTWAR STAGE (1946–1960s)
While there were also French and American Defeat and U.S. occupation brought drastic social
influences on Japanese sociology during the pre- changes to Japan. The traditional family system
war period, they were minor compared with those collapsed, and land reform became the order of
of Germany. Jyun’ichiro Matsumoto (1893–1947)
the day. Favorite prewar survey subjects centering
saw a need to synthesize formal and cultural soci-
on village and family were replaced by issues relat-
ology into what he would call ‘‘general sociology.’’
ed to land reform and revision of traditional fami-
At the same time, Masamichi Shimmei (1898–
ly values. Indeed, the traditional Japanese value
1988) sought to take Matsumoto’s thoughts and
system was pulled out from under the nation.
combine them with Simmel’s general sociology
‘‘Democratization’’ was the new buzzword. The
and the thinking of Karl Mannheim.
term ‘‘sociology’’ was released from taboo. Educa-
Because Western theory and thought domi- tional reforms in the 1950s now required sociolo-
nated Japanese sociology in the prewar period, gy courses as part of the general university educa-
little of the work analyzed Japanese society. There tion, especially for freshmen and sophomores.
were, however, a handful of notable empirical More and more departments of sociology or soci-
studies, especially in family and rural sociology, a ology programs within other departments were
tradition begun at the University of Tokyo by formed, particularly at private colleges and univer-
Teizo Toda (1887–1955). Toda had studied at the sities. Suddenly, many sociologists were needed.
University of Chicago, where he learned about American influences were rampant in all areas of
survey methodologies being used in the United Japanese society, and sociology was no exception.
States. Toda analyzed statistics on the Japanese Many American sociological theories came to in-
family structure, using census and other then- fluence Japanese sociology, the strongest being
current and historical data. Kizaemon Aruga (1897– that of Talcott Parsons.
1979) worked in the area of rural sociology, link-
ing his findings with previous folklore studies and As the importance of empirical study was
working toward clarifying the condition of social growing in the United States, Japanese sociologists
strata in prewar Japan. Lack of financial support, also began to develop a strong interest in empirical
1478
