Crimes in kenya
Kenyan Politics: An Introduction
Postcolonial Kenya has seen a significant amount of development, both politically and economically,
since its independence in 1963. Starting with the presidency of Jomo Kenyatta, the nation prospered
-- experiencing economic growth of at least 5% for over a decade (Barkan, 2004). The civil service
was highly regarded, well paid, and the prospect of corruption was hardly visible.
Unfortunately, the presidential succession by Daniel Arap Moi did not account for the same positive
conditions. After Moi took power in 1978, many governmental entities languished, due to his
repressive regime. By the 1990’s, the civil service declined, the judicial system lost much of its
power, and the economy sank, with poverty rates rising 8% (Barkan, 2004). When Mwai Kibaki began
his presidency in 2002, Kenya was at one of its worst places in history, putting Kibaki in a position to
either make significant changes or keep Kenya in its destructive state.
Military police training near Uhuru Park in Nairobi, Kenya.
Unfortunately, along with political and economic instability comes an increase in crime and disorder.
East Africa, as a whole, is a region of high crime rates due to a number of factors, several of which
have no feasible short-term solutions. As of present day, Kenya is rated by the U.S. Department of
State as Critical in terms of both terrorism and crime, making the United States Embassy in Nairobi
the fourth largest in the world.
The porous borders between countries as well as the extensive coastline make it difficult to
accurately track and pursue criminal activity. The median age in East Africa is between16 and 19
years old, which is directly in the center of the average criminal demographic worldwide. This means
that there is little likelihood for a decline in crime rates anytime in the near future (UNODC, 2009). In
addition to the above factors that offer little hope for crime experts worldwide, there has been a
significant decrease in active policing and law enforcement in Kenya, while criminal behavior is
steadily increasing.
, Recent United Nations surveys in Kenya have shown that over half of the population worries about
crime constantly and roughly 75% feel unsafe while at home (UN - Habitat, 2002). The lack of
training and low pay for the Kenyan police causes a considerable level of corruption and a general
lack of aggressive policing, with 98% of Kenyans believing there is some level of corruption in the
force (UN - Habitat, 2002). This research article discusses the elements of crime and policing in
Kenya along with their relationship to globalization, development, and sustainability.
Law and Order in Kenya
The criminal justice system in Kenya is still a work in progress. Initially created during Colonial rule,
the system merged British Colonial law with the ideals thought to be important to native Kenyans at
the time. After the Mau-Mau uprising against the British in the 1950s, many Kenyans were
determined to create a crime policy that coexisted with their tribal lifestyle. With 78 percent of
Kenyans living in rural areas as of the year 2009 (Ministry of Land, 2009), it is unfeasible to expect a
formal police and justice system throughout the entire country. Within many provinces, there are
districts led by Chiefs and District Officers. These elected officials act as government representatives
and handle many of the criminal matters without any formal involvement from larger governmental
entities.
The Kenyan law enforcement network is split into several sectors all comprising the police force.
Since the last major reorganization in 1953, the Kenyan Police Force, under the direction of the
Police Commissioner, is comprised of the Regular Police, General Service Unit, Criminal Investigative
Department, National Security Intelligence Service and the Administrative Police. Each with specific
goals and functions, the Swahili phrase Utamishi Kwa Wote (service to all) acts as the guiding motto
for officers nationwide (Maina et al, 2004). The Regular Police conduct day-to-day street operations
and act as the visible face for all Kenyans to see.
The General Service Unit (the main firearm carrying division of the police) takes part in major
uprisings and events and is, according to a prominent Kenyan figure in the Kibera Slum, “feared by
nearly everyone” (Anonymous, personal statement, 2010). The Criminal Investigative Department
(CID) performs many undercover operations and acts as a very close liaison to the U.S. Embassy in
Nairobi. The Administrative Police, given the task of securing the borders of Kenya, work in many
rural areas on the outskirts of the country, with a larger concentration to the north. Following the
1998 attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), the National Security
Intelligence Service was created. This unit acts as an intelligence gathering service and does not have
any significant face-to-face contact with the Kenyan people.
The above divisions of the Kenyan Police Force all face numerous challenges when dealing with
crime in Kenya. For one, the base monthly salary of a Kenyan police officer is eleven thousand
shillings [roughly 143 USD] (Mukinda, 2010). The mere lack of assets and unsustainable lifestyle
inherently breeds corruption. Kenya, as a whole, rates in the top 20% of corrupt countries worldwide
as per the latest Corruption Perception Index (Ndegwa, 2009). Within Kenya itself, the highest rating
corrupt body is the police force, holding an aggregate index of 57 percent (Kenya Bribery Index,
2008).
This significant level of distrust between the public and the police drastically increases the challenges
of effective crime control. Due to Kenya’s struggling economy, there is simply not enough money
going towards policing and security. The ratio of police to citizens throughout Africa is roughly half of
that in North America and Europe, with rates of 180 per 100,000 compared with 346 and 325
Kenyan Politics: An Introduction
Postcolonial Kenya has seen a significant amount of development, both politically and economically,
since its independence in 1963. Starting with the presidency of Jomo Kenyatta, the nation prospered
-- experiencing economic growth of at least 5% for over a decade (Barkan, 2004). The civil service
was highly regarded, well paid, and the prospect of corruption was hardly visible.
Unfortunately, the presidential succession by Daniel Arap Moi did not account for the same positive
conditions. After Moi took power in 1978, many governmental entities languished, due to his
repressive regime. By the 1990’s, the civil service declined, the judicial system lost much of its
power, and the economy sank, with poverty rates rising 8% (Barkan, 2004). When Mwai Kibaki began
his presidency in 2002, Kenya was at one of its worst places in history, putting Kibaki in a position to
either make significant changes or keep Kenya in its destructive state.
Military police training near Uhuru Park in Nairobi, Kenya.
Unfortunately, along with political and economic instability comes an increase in crime and disorder.
East Africa, as a whole, is a region of high crime rates due to a number of factors, several of which
have no feasible short-term solutions. As of present day, Kenya is rated by the U.S. Department of
State as Critical in terms of both terrorism and crime, making the United States Embassy in Nairobi
the fourth largest in the world.
The porous borders between countries as well as the extensive coastline make it difficult to
accurately track and pursue criminal activity. The median age in East Africa is between16 and 19
years old, which is directly in the center of the average criminal demographic worldwide. This means
that there is little likelihood for a decline in crime rates anytime in the near future (UNODC, 2009). In
addition to the above factors that offer little hope for crime experts worldwide, there has been a
significant decrease in active policing and law enforcement in Kenya, while criminal behavior is
steadily increasing.
, Recent United Nations surveys in Kenya have shown that over half of the population worries about
crime constantly and roughly 75% feel unsafe while at home (UN - Habitat, 2002). The lack of
training and low pay for the Kenyan police causes a considerable level of corruption and a general
lack of aggressive policing, with 98% of Kenyans believing there is some level of corruption in the
force (UN - Habitat, 2002). This research article discusses the elements of crime and policing in
Kenya along with their relationship to globalization, development, and sustainability.
Law and Order in Kenya
The criminal justice system in Kenya is still a work in progress. Initially created during Colonial rule,
the system merged British Colonial law with the ideals thought to be important to native Kenyans at
the time. After the Mau-Mau uprising against the British in the 1950s, many Kenyans were
determined to create a crime policy that coexisted with their tribal lifestyle. With 78 percent of
Kenyans living in rural areas as of the year 2009 (Ministry of Land, 2009), it is unfeasible to expect a
formal police and justice system throughout the entire country. Within many provinces, there are
districts led by Chiefs and District Officers. These elected officials act as government representatives
and handle many of the criminal matters without any formal involvement from larger governmental
entities.
The Kenyan law enforcement network is split into several sectors all comprising the police force.
Since the last major reorganization in 1953, the Kenyan Police Force, under the direction of the
Police Commissioner, is comprised of the Regular Police, General Service Unit, Criminal Investigative
Department, National Security Intelligence Service and the Administrative Police. Each with specific
goals and functions, the Swahili phrase Utamishi Kwa Wote (service to all) acts as the guiding motto
for officers nationwide (Maina et al, 2004). The Regular Police conduct day-to-day street operations
and act as the visible face for all Kenyans to see.
The General Service Unit (the main firearm carrying division of the police) takes part in major
uprisings and events and is, according to a prominent Kenyan figure in the Kibera Slum, “feared by
nearly everyone” (Anonymous, personal statement, 2010). The Criminal Investigative Department
(CID) performs many undercover operations and acts as a very close liaison to the U.S. Embassy in
Nairobi. The Administrative Police, given the task of securing the borders of Kenya, work in many
rural areas on the outskirts of the country, with a larger concentration to the north. Following the
1998 attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), the National Security
Intelligence Service was created. This unit acts as an intelligence gathering service and does not have
any significant face-to-face contact with the Kenyan people.
The above divisions of the Kenyan Police Force all face numerous challenges when dealing with
crime in Kenya. For one, the base monthly salary of a Kenyan police officer is eleven thousand
shillings [roughly 143 USD] (Mukinda, 2010). The mere lack of assets and unsustainable lifestyle
inherently breeds corruption. Kenya, as a whole, rates in the top 20% of corrupt countries worldwide
as per the latest Corruption Perception Index (Ndegwa, 2009). Within Kenya itself, the highest rating
corrupt body is the police force, holding an aggregate index of 57 percent (Kenya Bribery Index,
2008).
This significant level of distrust between the public and the police drastically increases the challenges
of effective crime control. Due to Kenya’s struggling economy, there is simply not enough money
going towards policing and security. The ratio of police to citizens throughout Africa is roughly half of
that in North America and Europe, with rates of 180 per 100,000 compared with 346 and 325
