validity of this view.
Between the years 1924-29, Weimar Germany experienced what was ostensibly
labelled a ‘Golden Age’ of relative economic prosperity, political stability and
reintegration into the international sphere. While the work of figures like Hjalmar
Schacht and Gustav Stresemann somewhat superficially improved Germany’s
prospects in the short term, the impermanence of this reform was revealed by the
immediate collapse of Germany’s economy in the Wall Street Crash of October 1929, as
a result of Germany’s over-reliance on American loans and foreign goodwill for their
diplomatic and economic elevation, which dried up later in this period as the Allies
grappled with their own domestic problems. Unlike the political extremism of the early
Weimar period, by 1924, it may have appeared as though the public were becoming
more accepting of Weimar democracy, yet the fractious coalitions incited by flaws in the
Weimar constitution and Hindenburg’s election as President belies this notion.
Therefore, the idea that there was political and economic stability at this time is
erroneous, given that the government can more convincingly be seen as barely holding
together the disjointed nation.
On the one hand, it can be argued that Germany did have some measure of political
stability in this period, due to the Nazi lean years, where the party experienced a
reduction in support. Despite the party restructure, reorganisation of the SA and the
initial development of propaganda under Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi party saw their
seats in the Reichstag fall in consecutive elections, from 32 in May 1924, to 14 in
December 1924 and then 12 in May 1928. By contrast, 67% of votes went to
pro-democracy parties, strengthening the democratic legitimacy and mandate of the
Weimar government. This suggests that relative economic and political stability and
satisfaction with the Republic led people to shun the extremes who wanted to abolish
the system. This apparent political stability was seemingly affirmed by the election of
President Hndenburg on the 26th of April 1925. In the short-term, he followed the new
constitution, did not abuse his powers and encouraged collaboration across the political
spectrum to restore unity. His election temporarily reconciled anti-democratic parties to
the existence of the Republic, as shown by the DNVP joining a coalition in 1925 for the
first time. However, it is more convincing to argue that this political stability was
superficial, and in fact there was much turmoil still occurring at this time. This is most
clearly evident by the 6 coalition governments between 1924-29, which arguably
emanated partly from weaknesses in the Weimar constitution, with measures like
proportional representation allowing for the proliferation of a number of small, extremist
parties in the Reichstag, but also due to the fractious nature of German party politics,
where sectional interests prevailed over cooperation. This is shown by the row over the
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